![]() It suggests that, apart from economic interests, namely securing trade facilities in the port and transport facilities offered by the Ghevgheli–Salonica railway connecting the Yugoslav territory with Salonica, there were security considerations which accounted for Belgrade’s special interest in this matter. This paper explores the importance of the Greek port of Salonica (Thessaloniki) for Yugoslav foreign policy-makers during the interwar period. This meant abandoning Yugoslavism as an ideological platform, something that contributed to the Allies’ abandonment of the Chetniks in favour of the communist Partisans. As a result of these various wartime processes, the Chetnik movement transformed from being a direct extension of the Yugoslav Royal Army into a Serb national force that focused on the survival of Yugoslav Serbs and was devoted to Serb post-war territorial unification within a restored Yugoslavia – or even without the restoration of Yugoslavia, for that matter. Ethno-religious conflict also had a significant impact on the Chetnik strategy of collaboration with the Italians in the Independent State of Croatia, the Chetnik relationship with the Partisans and the Chetniks’ resistance plans. As Chetnik and Axis wartime documents show, ethno-religious conflict had a profound transformative effect on Chetnik wartime behaviour and their post-war vision for royalist Yugoslavia. By examining primary source documents, this thesis looks at the original wartime Chetnik plan for guerrilla resistance as envisioned by Mihailović and traces its gradual transformation in the light of both the Ustaša genocide against the Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia and the Serb uprising there. ![]() This study expands on the existing body of knowledge by considering the effects of ethno-religious conflict on the Chetnik wartime strategy and ideology. Most have focused on the Chetnik-Partisan war and the issues of Chetnik resistance to and collaboration with the Axis powers. General Dragoljub Mihailović’s Chetnik movement has been the subject of historical studies for more than half a century. Scrutinizing their work and publicly aired views might provide more nuanced and distinctive insights into the complex reality of right-wing attitudes than those obtained from studying political parties and government agencies. In addition, there is also a selection of prominent intellectuals, eminent writers and clerics, whose outlook and activities informed, to a certain degree, the political climate of right-wing politics in Serbia/Yugoslavia. ![]() ![]() More specifically, it examines the ruling Yugoslav Radical Union (JRZ) under both its presidents, Milan Stojadinović and Dragiša Cvetković, Stojadinović's Serbian Radical Party (SRS), Dimitrije Ljotić's ZBOR and Svetislav Hodjera's Yugoslav People's Party (Borbaši), with special reference to the influential theories from fascism studies. ![]() This is a period that constitutes a distinctive era in Yugoslav history, which also coincides with the Europe-wide rise of right-wing extremism, a congruence that justifies the chosen time-frame. This edited volume embarks on an in-depth analysis of the main features of the political ideology and activities of the Serbian right wing from the assassination of King Alexander Karadjordjević in October 1934 to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's destruction in April 1941 during the Second World War. ![]()
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